My Wounded Heart
Ilse Doerry
Martin Doerry
Chair: Don Guttenplan
In association with the
Goethe-Institut
[Excerpt]
Chair:
Martin, I think that the first thing that strikes anyone who reads this
book is immense gratitude for the fact that so many of these letters
survived. It is a rather extraordinary
story of how you came to find them and then of how you came to put them in a
book. So, if you don’t mind: how did
these letters come to you? Because the
book is mainly letters. It’s mainly the
collective letters of Ilse to her mother and of Lily to her children. There are some letters from the courtship
between Lily and Ernst. There are some
letters from Lily to her friends. There
is also a very concise, very gripping but very concise, narrative provided by
Martin.
Martin Doerry:
Well, I didn’t know of all the letters up to1998. In that year my uncle, Gerhard Jahn, the
eldest son and child of Lily, died. His
sisters found those letters that they wrote to their mother in the years 1943
and 1944. So my uncle had gathered all
these letters: I’ll have to explain it.
My grandmother was able to send them back. She had received the letters in Breidenhauer
[?] and when she had to leave to go to Auschwitz she was
able to send them back, back to her children.
My uncle took them and he never talked about it and so my mother and her
sisters were very much surprised when they found them after the death of their
brother.
Then they read the letters and they talked about the letters and they
talked to me as well. My mother told me
a lot of details and I was very much interested because we had never talked
about my grandmother before. It was a
taboo. Now we were able to talk about
her.
So, I read the letters. I read
more and more letters. The letters of
her sisters and some other letters turned up.
For the first time I got an impression of my grandmother and I was very much
impressed by her. She was, I think, a
great woman. I was happy about
that. On the one hand I feel sorrow: it
was very sad. On the other hand I was
very happy because, for the first time, I got an impression of my grandmother.
I
first decided to make a family documentary, just photocopies of all the letters
so that everybody could read them. But
after a couple of months I decided to do more, to make a book out of it,
because it is such an overwhelming story.
First, of course, I had to ask my mother and her sisters and they didn’t
want it. They didn’t want it because it
is such a private story: private letters which were not written to be
published. So we had a long discussion
about it but, as you see, in the end I succeeded.
Chair: You twice used the phrase “we didn’t talk
about her” and that there was a kind of a taboo. Ilse, I wonder if you could explain a little
bit about the taboo?
Ilse
Doerry: Well, I think that for nearly fifty years I
never spoke about my past and especially I didn’t speak about my mother. It was a too painful memory to talk about
it. I think the only person to whom I
told the whole story was my husband. But
apart from him, we didn’t tell our children.
We didn’t want to really think of the really traumatic experience we had
when we were children. We didn’t want to
talk about it. So our children knew the
fact that they had a Jewish grandmother who had this divorce and was eventually
killed in Auschwitz. But I think that
was all I was able to say, and the same happened with my sisters.
Chair: I noticed in the selection, the part that you
read, we got a little bit of the sense of even after the divorce Lily putting
the best face on her husband, on your father’s conduct. Because you read a relatively short section
of the letters, you don’t get something that you get from reading them, which
is that although she doesn’t do this at length it is a sort of constant, very
brief, refrain in all of the letters of:
Why doesn’t he do something?
Couldn’t he make a representation?
I found the book a tremendously moving book, but I became so irritated
with this man. Obviously you have had to
make your own accommodation with him. He
is your father. What was that like?
Ilse
Doerry: This question is brought up every
time, even with you. This is a fact
everybody is irritated by and some of them have a quick answer to this. But there isn’t a quick answer to it and you
always have to consider the time. You
always have to consider the political situation during the 30s and the 40s and
my father was, I have to say, a cowardly man.
And he was egoistic. That made
him decide to have my mother divorced.
After the war, when he returned (he’d been a prisoner-of-war in Russia), he didn’t say
anything. He didn’t try to explain
anything to his children but we just didn’t want to talk to him any more. At first we didn’t want to talk to him
because we thought he was responsible for the death of our mother. But when we grew older, when were about 20,
22, 23 –
Chair: By which point you were in Britain?
Ilsa
Doerry: Yes, at that time all my sisters and myself
lived in Britain. My father kept on writing letters to us and
sending us little things, parcels. He
was longing to get our love. And then,
eventually, we said that the way we treat him is not right. Our mother would never have treated him [like
that] because, as you can tell by the letters that have survived, she never
accused him; she never condemned him. So
it surely isn’t up to the daughters to condemn him altogether. He made a horrible mistake and all of us are
convinced that he was quite aware (he is not alive any more), he was quite
aware, that his decision at that time made it easier for the Nazis to get hold
of my mother.
Chair: Do you think he was aware when he divorced her that
this was a possibility?
Ilsa
Doerry: Well, he never talked about it. The official version was that the mother
would be protected by her half-Jewish children and he wanted to believe
that. Although he had been warned by
friends, he wanted to believe that.
That’s how people are. I think
that any human being is like that. But
very soon, when we had contact with him again, he realised that he was
suffering and suffering badly from that decision which he made earlier on.
Chair: And how was he presented to you, your
grandfather?
Martin
Doerry: Well, I was five years old when he died so I
don’t have any strong memories.
Chair: But as a figure in the family narrative?
Martin
Doerry: Yes, but we didn’t talk about him much
because it was the same story. We didn’t
talk about Lily, so we didn’t talk about Ernst.
All I know was his name and my mother sometimes, when we had been on
journeys, for example, visiting some churches, my mother would say, “Your
grandfather loved that”. Because my
grandfather was very much interested in the arts and especially in churches and
monasteries and so on. When we were
travelling around, my mother told me that that was what he loved. So this is one of the very few things I
remember.
Chair: And your brother remained in Germany the entire time?
Ilse
Doerry: Yes.
Chair: Was his attitude the same as that of your
sisters?
Ilse
Doerry: Oh yes.
Oh yes. It was just the same.
Chair: So he wasn’t speaking?
Ilse
Doerry: Not in the beginning.
Chair: And then, did he come round when the rest of
you all did?
Ilse
Doerry: That’s it.
Chair: I noticed in the book that you were in
Birmingham. You trained as a nurse in
Birmingham. But it said that you and
your sisters were intending to go on to Israel where apparently you found some
relatives? But you didn’t. Why not?
Ilse
Doerry: When we took our finals, we thought, you
know, 1948, Israel became a State. We
thought we’d move to Israel. We have to
re-build this country and help them.
Chair: Although you hadn’t been raised as Jews? You’d been baptised and confirmed.
Ilse
Doerry: No, but still we felt very much for them, as
I do until today. I have a daughter who
lives there and I go to Israel as often as I can. I’ve been many, many times. At that time my sister and myself just said
that we would go to Israel. But then my
sister, the next in line, and myself, we met German students and that changed
our decision because we got married to these students. I got married in Birmingham and as my husband
was a law student he had to return to Germany and then, after we got married
here in Birmingham at my grandmother’s house, I had to return to Germany in
1953.
Chair: What was that like for you, going back to
Germany?
Ilse
Doerry: Horrible.
Horrible. It was the last thing I
wanted to do.
Chair: I suppose that some people (you know who you
are: I’m not going to mention your names) are going to read this, or see this,
as a cautionary tale about the dangers of marrying out. But clearly you didn’t read your history that
way. I wonder what you would say to people
who see the book that way?
Ilse
Doerry: I can fully understand them. My mother was mourned by her parents. I mean we couldn’t read many letters or
passages from letters tonight. But there
is a letter in there and just this item is discussed between my grandparents
and my mother. They didn’t think it was
right to do that. But, on the other
hand, they loved their daughter and they realised that she was ever so fond of
my father and so they said: All right, if that’s your decision, do so. But my grandparents, surely they were against
it actually.
Chair: But after this entire history: you are in
Birmingham; your grandmother is in Birmingham.
You go to see your grandmother with Martin’s father. What did you say? What did she say?
Ilse
Doerry:
Oh, at that time we didn’t talk about ideas
like that, because you never talked about it.
Chair: That’s English reserve or German reserve,
that you don’t talk about things?
Ilse
Doerry: I think it was the experience that my
grandmother had had. My grandmother was
really the only person we had and Jürgen’s mother knew what happens when
you get married to a person belonging to another faith. So she never talked about it. She knew … what had happened to her daughter
Lily so I am sure she was convinced it wouldn’t be any good to talk to me, you
know, to talk to me in the same way. In
the first place she wasn’t successful talking to her daughter, warning her
daughter. So she never tried to persuade
me not to marry my Aryan husband.
Martin
Doerry: May I add one thing? Maybe it’s not very popular, but I want to
say it. I think this story does not give
us proof that mixed marriages are wrong because in this case it was horrible,
of course, because my grandfather divorced her.
But normally it was a shield, a shield for the Jewish partner.
Chair: In Germany, yes. I was interested to note and since you are a
historian I thought that I can ask you this question: There were 28,000 mixed
marriages before the Reich, in 1942.
Martin
Doerry: And most of them survived.
Chair: Is there a statistic of how many survived?
Martin
Doerry: Nearly all of them.
Ilse
Doerry: And they didn’t get divorced.
Chair: It’s also a question I had in relation to how one
evaluates your grandfather. We know
about the women of the Rosenstrasse.
These were non-Jewish women who were married to Jewish men who famously
protested in the street, the Rosenstrasse, in Berlin demanding that their
husbands be released. And they got them
released.
Martin
Doerry: Well, this story is very complicated and …
[inaudible] … I’m sorry to say that!
Chair: No, that’s why I’m hoping you’ll correct
this.
Martin
Doerry: It’s quite new that we know that the women of
the Rosenstrasse were heroes, really heroes because they demonstrated and it
was of course forbidden!
Chair: Nobody demonstrated at the time.
Martin
Doerry: Nobody did.
So they were heroes. But on the
other hand their husbands were not brought to the concentration camps. They were only gathered at the Rosenstrasse and
they had to do some work for the Gestapo.
Other people had to be deported but not them. So the story is a little bit difficult.
Chair: More morally ambiguous than I had thought?
Martin
Doerry: Yes, it is.
Chair: Well I suppose that all of these stories are
probably morally ambiguous.
Ilse
Doerry: Perhaps you know the diaries of Victor
Klemperer? You see, his wife stuck to
him to the end.
Chair: Yes. I
want to talk a little bit about Germany and what it was like for your in
Germany, as someone who on the one hand was Protestant but who had a Jewish
mother? And there is a way in which you
didn’t speak about it in the family, as you’ve said, because it was very
painful. Was there also a sense in which
it was prudent not to speak of it too much in Germany when you went back?
Ilse
Doerry: Certainly.
Chair: And do you feel that that’s still the case?
Ilse
Doerry: No, not any more. No. It
has changed a tremendous lot. Also,
other generations have grown up since then and that makes a lot of
difference. At first, of course, I
thought: Don’t mention a thing. Then
… … outcast again. When I went to a restaurant and looked around
at the people I thought: Well, what have you done or not done during the Nazi
time? I felt most uncomfortable. But that feeling has disappeared
completely. People are younger.
Martin
Doerry: The generation that was responsible for the
Holocaust –
Ilse
Doerry: There is hardly anybody still alive. I am one of the last.
Chair: Now you said that the only person that you
told this whole story to was your husband?
Ilse
Doerry: Mmm.
Chair: Presumably before you married?
Ilse
Doerry: Mmm.
Chair: And what was his reaction?
Ilse
Doerry: He was shocked. He had never heard of a story like that
before. He was really shocked by it and
he didn’t know what to say.
Chair: Shocked because?
Ilse
Doerry: He had never heard of it. I mean he was only a boy. Not actually a boy. He was a little bit older than that during
the Nazi time, and he had been a soldier.
But nobody ever told him anything of what happened to the Jews. He was never informed, by anybody. Well, some Jews ‘disappeared’ in the little
place where he lived in the eastern part of Germany but being a boy at that
time I don’t think he knew or worried about it.
Actually he didn’t know. Perhaps
they told him, “Oh, they moved to another country” or they moved to the East.
Martin
Doerry: May I add one thing? My father was a prisoner-of-war in
England. He was born in 1925 so he was
twenty years old when the war was finished.
So he was a prisoner-of-war in England and he told me once that during these
one or two years that he spent in England he became a ‘new man’ because there
was a kind of educational training programme in this prisoner-of-war camp. He learned a lot about democracy and of
course he learned a lot about the atrocities which happened in eastern Europe
and the Holocaust and so on. This was
the first time that he was told about that.
So he knew what happened, but he didn’t know it when he was a soldier.
Ilse
Doerry: Yes.
And I was the first person whom he met who had personal experience.
Chair: I gather that you are more favourable about
the book now that it’s out. You’re
here. Maybe not: I don’t know. Feel free to correct me. I wondered what impact researching this and
writing it has had on you?
Martin
Doerry: Well, as I said before, there are two major
impacts. The first one was that it was
horrible to read all the letters and feel the sad, sad story again, or as … I
never had before. On the other side, I
was very satisfied because I got a first very deep impression of what my
grandmother was. She was a really great
person. So, in the end, for me the whole
book and the story of the book is a positive story. I’m very happy about doing it but, on the
other hand, I have to admit that for my mother and her sisters it is very hard
for them because they didn’t want to remember that time, this horrible time,
and I made them do that. It was not easy
for them.
Chair: You are quite a high-profile person in
Germany as a journalist. Do you feel
that this has changed the way you are regarded or treated?
Martin
Doerry: Well in a way you’re right because I’m Deputy
Editor in Chief of Der Spiegel, which is the biggest news magazine in
Germany, and we have fixed staff and nobody knew anything about my personal
history, which is normal. But now
everybody knows everything. This is
strange, very strange. And, well, that’s
not the problem. The problem is that if
we discuss politics, and we do it every day of course: we discuss our stories
and the stories we are going to do and so we have a lot of discussion. Sometimes, when we talk about Israel or
anti-Semitism or the Jews in Germany or the Holocaust, when we talk about those
issues, and we do it quite often, sometimes some colleagues say, “Well, it’s
ok, it’s ok. We know.” So they don’t think that I’m fair. They think, ‘Well, he has this special
history in his family so he is not able to judge in the right way.’ Of course I am angry about that, but I can’t
change it. And that’s a result of the
book too.